Stolypin - aphorisms, catchphrases, phrases, sayings, sayings, quotes, thoughts with illustrations

Stolypin P.A.

Home ~ Literature ~ Aphorisms ~ Search by authors ~ Stolypin P.A. Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin - born April 2, 1862, Dresden, Saxony, German Confederation. Statesman of the Russian Empire. Over the years, he held the posts of district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, governor of Grodno and Saratov, minister of internal affairs, and prime minister. Killed September 5, 1911, Kyiv, Russian Empire.

Every morning when I wake up and say a prayer, I look at the coming day as if it were the last in my life, and prepare to fulfill all my duties, already fixing my gaze on eternity. And in the evening, when I return to my room again, I tell myself that I must thank God for the extra day given to me in my life. This is the only consequence of my constant awareness of the proximity of death, as retribution for my beliefs. And sometimes I clearly feel that the day must come when the killer’s plan will finally succeed.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

If there is a densely populated state connected to us, this outskirts will not remain deserted, a foreigner will seep into it if a Russian does not come there, and this seepage has already begun. If we sleep in a lethargic sleep, then this region will be saturated with foreign juices and, when we wake up, it may turn out to be Russian only in name.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Not the indiscriminate distribution of land, not calming the rebellion with handouts - the rebellion is extinguished by force, but the recognition of the inviolability of private property and, as a consequence, the creation of small personal land ownership - these are the tasks the implementation of which the government considered and considers a matter of existence of the Russian state.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

These attacks are designed to cause paralysis of both will and thought in the government, in power, all of which boil down to two words addressed to power: “Hands up!” To these two words, gentlemen, the government, with complete calm, with the consciousness of being right, can answer with only two words: “You will not intimidate!”

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

It is impossible to attach some alien, foreign flower to our Russian roots, to our Russian trunk. Let our native Russian color blossom, let it blossom and unfold under the influence of the interaction of the Supreme Power and the new representative system bestowed by It.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Russia needs a fleet that at any given moment could fight a fleet that is at the level of the latest scientific requirements. If this does not happen, if Russia’s fleet is different, then it will only be harmful, since it will inevitably become the prey of the attackers.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

You can’t tell the sentry: you have an old flintlock gun; by using it, you can injure yourself and others; drop the gun. To this, an honest sentry will answer: while I am on duty, until they give me a new gun, I will try to skillfully use the old one.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Our eagle, the heritage of Byzantium, is a double-headed eagle. Of course, single-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off one head of our Russian eagle facing the east, you will not turn it into a single-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Our main task next is to strengthen the grassroots. All the strength of the country lies in them. There are more than 100 million of them and the roots of the state will be healthy and strong, believe me, and the words of the Russian Government will sound completely differently before Europe and before the whole world.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Opponents of statehood would like to choose the path of radicalism, the path of liberation from Russia’s historical past, liberation from cultural traditions. They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia!

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

You cannot strengthen a sick body by feeding it pieces of meat cut from itself; it is necessary to give an impetus to the body, to create a rush of nutritious juices to the sore spot. The entire state must, undoubtedly, participate in this.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

I know a Russian revolutionary, a complacent ignorant, who thinks to achieve the highest perfection, instead of the long and tortuous path of educating the mind and will, in one leap... with a bomb in his hands towards power.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Reforms are necessary during a revolution. If we focus exclusively on the fight against the revolution, then at best we will eliminate the consequences, not the cause: we will heal the ulcer, but contaminated blood will give rise to new ulcerations.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

To restructure our kingdom, to restructure it on strong monarchical foundations, we need a strong personal owner, he is an obstacle to the development of the revolutionary movement.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

People sometimes forget about their national tasks; But such peoples perish, they turn into soil, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

There are, gentlemen, fatal moments in the life of the state when state necessity stands above law and when one must choose between the integrity of theories and the integrity of the fatherland.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Only thoughtful and firm implementation by the highest legislative institutions of the new principles of the state system will lead to the calm and revival of our great homeland.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

It is better to cut the knot at once than to suffer for months over the work of unwinding the tangle of intrigue and at the same time struggle every hour and every day with the surrounding danger.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

The state can, the state is obliged, when it is in danger, to adopt the strictest, most exceptional laws in order to protect itself from disintegration.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Where there is money, there is the devil. The homeland demands service so sacrificially pure that the slightest thought of personal gain darkens the soul and paralyzes work.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

I pray to God that he will give me the strength and opportunity, not in words, but in deeds, to serve my Sovereign at least a particle of the good that I constantly see from him.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Don’t think, gentlemen, that it is enough to paint Russia, which is slowly recovering, with the rouge of all sorts of liberties and it will become healthy.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

In the matter of recreating our sea power, our sea power, there can only be one slogan, one password, and this password is “forward.”

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Let those who value their position seek mitigation, but I find it both more honest and worthy to simply step aside completely.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

The main thing that is necessary when we write a law for the whole country is to keep in mind the intelligent and strong, and not the drunken and weak.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

For those in power, there is no greater sin than cowardly evasion of responsibility.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Friendly, common work based on mutual trust - this is the motto for all of us, Russians.

Author:

Stolypin P.A.

Aphorisms and quotes

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin (1862 - 1911) - an outstanding reformer and statesman of the Russian Empire.
Over the years, he held the posts of district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, marshal of the nobility of the Kovno province, governor of Grodno and Saratov, minister of internal affairs, and prime minister. Opponents of statehood would like to choose the path of radicalism, the path of liberation from Russia’s historical past, liberation from cultural traditions. They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia!

Our eagle, the heritage of Byzantium, is a double-headed eagle. Of course, single-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off our Russian eagle’s one head facing the East, you will not turn it into a single-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed. Give me twenty years of peace, and I will reform Russia.

In Russia they like to initiate reforms only because it is easier to hide their inability to govern.

Russia will be able to distinguish the blood on the hands of executioners from the blood on the hands of conscientious doctors.

Don’t think, gentlemen, that it is enough to paint Russia, which is slowly recovering, with the rouge of all sorts of liberties and it will become healthy.

Gentlemen, you cannot strengthen a sick body by feeding it pieces of meat cut from itself...

Where there is money, there is the devil. For those in power, there is no greater sin than cowardly evasion of responsibility. And this responsibility is the greatest happiness of my life. (Last speech in the State Duma.)

There is no revenge in politics, but there are consequences.

To these words, gentlemen, the Government, with complete calm, with the consciousness of being right, can respond with only two words: “You will not intimidate.”

In addition to protecting parliamentary immunity, we, the bearers of power, have another responsibility - protecting public safety.

As long as there is revolutionary terror, there must be a police search.

No fortresses, gentlemen, can replace your means of communication.

Only those who are willing to fight can win.

Friendly, common work based on mutual trust - this is the motto for all of us, Russians.

If, gentlemen, there are long periods for deliberation, then there are historical minutes for decision.

4.6 / 5 ( 12 votes)

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin - born April 2, 1862, Dresden, Saxony, German Confederation. Statesman of the Russian Empire. Over the years, he held the posts of district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, governor of Grodno and Saratov, minister of internal affairs, and prime minister. Killed September 5, 1911, Kyiv, Russian Empire.

Quotes, aphorisms, sayings, phrases - Stolypin P.A.

There is no revenge in politics, but there are consequences.

Without citizens, a rule of law state is unthinkable.

Only those who are willing to fight can win.

The land is the guarantee of our strength in the future, the land is Russia.

Vulnerability at sea is just as dangerous as defenselessness on land.

The determination that alone can give birth to results has not yet matured.

You, gentlemen, need great upheavals; we need a great Russia.

As long as there is revolutionary terror, there must be a police search.

It is impossible to put barriers to enrichment so that the weak share with him his poverty.

In Russia they like to initiate reforms only because it is easier to hide their inability to govern.

Give the state 20 years of internal and external peace, and you will not recognize today's Russia.

Friendly, common work based on mutual trust - this is the motto for all of us, Russians.

For those in power, there is no greater sin than cowardly evasion of responsibility.

The main thing that is necessary when we write a law for the whole country is to keep in mind the intelligent and strong, and not the drunken and weak.

Let those who value their position seek mitigation, but I find it both more honest and worthy to simply step aside completely.

In the matter of recreating our sea power, our sea power, there can only be one slogan, one password, and this password is “forward.”

Don’t think, gentlemen, that it is enough to paint Russia, which is slowly recovering, with the rouge of all sorts of liberties and it will become healthy.

I pray to God that he will give me the strength and opportunity, not in words, but in deeds, to serve my Sovereign at least a particle of the good that I constantly see from him.

Where there is money, there is the devil. The homeland demands service so sacrificially pure that the slightest thought of personal gain darkens the soul and paralyzes work.

The state can, the state is obliged, when it is in danger, to adopt the strictest, most exceptional laws in order to protect itself from disintegration.

It is better to cut the knot at once than to suffer for months over the work of unwinding the tangle of intrigue and at the same time struggle every hour and every day with the surrounding danger.

Only thoughtful and firm implementation by the highest legislative institutions of the new principles of the state system will lead to the calm and revival of our great homeland.

There are, gentlemen, fatal moments in the life of the state when state necessity stands above law and when one must choose between the integrity of theories and the integrity of the fatherland.

People sometimes forget about their national tasks; But such peoples perish, they turn into soil, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger.

To restructure our kingdom, to restructure it on strong monarchical foundations, we need a strong personal owner, he is an obstacle to the development of the revolutionary movement.

Reforms are necessary during a revolution. If we focus exclusively on the fight against the revolution, then at best we will eliminate the consequences, not the cause: we will heal the ulcer, but contaminated blood will give rise to new ulcerations.

As long as the peasant is poor, as long as he does not have personal land property, as long as he is forcibly in the grip of the community, he will remain a slave, and no written law will give him the benefit of civil freedom.

I know a Russian revolutionary, a complacent ignorant, who thinks to achieve the highest perfection, instead of the long and tortuous path of educating the mind and will, in one leap... with a bomb in his hands towards power.

Power cannot be considered a goal. Power is a means to preserve life, peace and order; Therefore, while condemning arbitrariness and autocracy in every possible way, one cannot help but consider the anarchy of the government dangerous.

You cannot strengthen a sick body by feeding it pieces of meat cut from itself; it is necessary to give an impetus to the body, to create a rush of nutritious juices to the sore spot. The entire state must, undoubtedly, participate in this.

Opponents of statehood would like to choose the path of radicalism, the path of liberation from Russia’s historical past, liberation from cultural traditions. They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia!

Our main task next is to strengthen the grassroots. All the strength of the country lies in them. There are more than 100 million of them and the roots of the state will be healthy and strong, believe me, and the words of the Russian Government will sound completely differently before Europe and before the whole world.

The Supreme Power is the guardian of the idea of the Russian state, it personifies its strength and integrity, and if there is Russia, then only with the efforts of all its sons to protect it, to protect this Power, which has shackled Russia and protects it from collapse.

Our eagle, the heritage of Byzantium, is a double-headed eagle. Of course, single-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off one head of our Russian eagle facing the east, you will not turn it into a single-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed.

You can’t tell the sentry: you have an old flintlock gun; by using it, you can injure yourself and others; drop the gun. To this, an honest sentry will answer: while I am on duty, until they give me a new gun, I will try to skillfully use the old one.

Russia needs a fleet that at any given moment could fight a fleet that is at the level of the latest scientific requirements. If this does not happen, if Russia’s fleet is different, then it will only be harmful, since it will inevitably become the prey of the attackers.

It is impossible to attach some alien, foreign flower to our Russian roots, to our Russian trunk. Let our native Russian color blossom, let it blossom and unfold under the influence of the interaction of the Supreme Power and the new representative system bestowed by It.

These attacks are designed to cause paralysis of both will and thought in the government, in power, all of which boil down to two words addressed to power: “Hands up!” To these two words, gentlemen, the government, with complete calm, with the consciousness of being right, can answer with only two words: “You will not intimidate!”

Not the indiscriminate distribution of land, not calming the rebellion with handouts - the rebellion is extinguished by force, but the recognition of the inviolability of private property and, as a consequence, the creation of small personal land ownership - these are the tasks the implementation of which the government considered and considers a matter of existence of the Russian state.

If there is a densely populated state connected to us, this outskirts will not remain deserted, a foreigner will seep into it if a Russian does not come there, and this seepage has already begun. If we sleep in a lethargic sleep, then this region will be saturated with foreign juices and, when we wake up, it may turn out to be Russian only in name.

Every morning when I wake up and say a prayer, I look at the coming day as if it were the last in my life, and prepare to fulfill all my duties, already fixing my gaze on eternity. And in the evening, when I return to my room again, I tell myself that I must thank God for the extra day given to me in my life. This is the only consequence of my constant awareness of the proximity of death, as retribution for my beliefs. And sometimes I clearly feel that the day must come when the killer’s plan will finally succeed.

Stolypin Petr Arkadyevich (1862 - 1911). Quotes

The homeland demands service so sacrificially pure that the slightest thought of personal gain darkens the soul and paralyzes work.

Our main task next is to strengthen the grassroots. All the strength of the country lies in them. There are more than 100 million of them and the state’s roots will be healthy and strong, believe me - and the words of the Russian Government will sound completely differently before Europe and before the whole world... Friendly, common work based on mutual trust - this is the motto for all of us, Russians. Give the State 20 years of peace, internal and external, and you will not recognize present-day Russia.

There are fatal moments in the life of a state when state necessity comes before law and when one must choose between the integrity of theories and the integrity of the fatherland. (March 13, 1907; State Duma)

In addition to protecting parliamentary immunity, we, the bearers of power, have another responsibility - protecting public safety. (May 7, 1907; State Duma; Government report on a conspiracy whose immediate goal was to commit terrorist acts against the Emperor, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers; several members of the State Duma were found among the detained conspirators; the conspirators were found in the apartment of deputy Ozol, who enjoyed parliamentary immunity)

The Supreme Power is the guardian of the idea of the Russian state, it personifies its strength and integrity, and if there is Russia, then only with the efforts of all its sons to protect it, to protect this Power, which has shackled Russia and protects it from collapse. The autocracy of the Moscow Tsars is not like the autocracy of Peter, just as the autocracy of Peter is not like the autocracy of Catherine the Second and the Tsar Liberator. After all, the Russian state grew and developed from its own Russian roots, and along with it, of course, the Supreme Royal Power changed and developed. It is impossible to attach some alien, foreign flower to our Russian roots, to our Russian trunk. Let our native Russian color blossom, let it blossom and unfold under the influence of the interaction of the Supreme Power and the new representative system bestowed by It. (November 16, 1907; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in response to the speech of State Duma member V. Maklakov)

The government should avoid unnecessary words, but there are words that express feelings that have made the hearts of the Russian people beat intensely for centuries. These feelings, these words must be imprinted in the thoughts and reflected in the deeds of rulers. These words: unwavering commitment to Russian historical principles as opposed to groundless socialism. This desire, this passionate desire to renew, enlighten and exalt the homeland, in opposition to those people who want its collapse. (November 16, 1907; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in response to the speech of State Duma member V. Maklakov)

As long as there is revolutionary terror, there must be a police search. Get acquainted, gentlemen, with revolutionary literature, read the lines teaching how to fight through terror, through bombs, and it is recommended that these bombs be cast iron, so that there are more fragments, or that they are stuffed with nails. Check out the sermon on regicide. (February 11, 1909; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s responses to inquiries regarding former police officer Azef in connection with the putting on trial of the former director of the police department Lopukhin)

Don’t think, gentlemen, that it is enough to paint Russia, which is slowly recovering, with the rouge of all sorts of liberties and it will become healthy. […] We, the Government, we build only scaffolding that makes your construction easier. Our opponents point to these forests as if they were an ugly building we have erected, and furiously rush to cut down their foundations. And these forests will inevitably collapse and, perhaps, crush us under their ruins, but let, let this happen when, from behind the rubble, it will already be visible, at least in the main outlines, the building of a renewed, free, free, in the best sense of the word, free from poverty, from ignorance, from lack of rights, - devoted, like one person, to her Sovereign - Russia - and this time, gentlemen, is coming; and it will come, despite any revelations, since we have not only strength on our side, but truth on our side. (February 11, 1909; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s responses to inquiries regarding former police officer Azef in connection with the putting on trial of the former director of the police department Lopukhin)

For those in power, there is no greater sin than cowardly evasion of responsibility. (April 29, 1911; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s response to the State Duma’s request for the introduction of Western zemstvos)

People sometimes forget about their national tasks; But such peoples perish, they turn into soil, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger. (May 5, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin about Finland)

Forgive me for bringing up the past, but we shouldn’t forget about it either. After all, alone, with a navy built initially on fresh river water, with sailors trained by himself, without funds, but with a firm faith in Russia and its future, Great Peter walked forward. There was no favorable wind, he, with his sailors in his arms, on calloused hands, carried his galleys overland from the Gulf of Finland to the Gulf of Bothnia, defeated the enemy fleet, captured the squadrons and awarded the unskilled creator of the new Russia, Pyotr Mikhailov, with the modest rank of admiral. Gentlemen, is it really possible that only the cadets of the naval corps, who erected a modest cross made of Serdobol granite on the site of the Battle of Gangut, remember this swift power, this brilliant strength of our ancestors? Is it really possible that only they remember this creative power of our ancestors, not only the power of victory, but also the power of consciousness of state tasks, and that Russia has forgotten? After all, the blood of these strong people poured into your veins, because you are flesh of their flesh, after all, not many of you deny your homeland, and the vast majority realize that people united into families, families into tribes, tribes into nations in order to to carry out your global task in order to move humanity forward. Will they really say here that we need to wait until the center gets stronger? Is it really possible that at the center of our state thought, our state feeling, the understanding of our state tasks has weakened? (May 5, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin about Finland)

How necessary a strong personal owner is for the reorganization of our kingdom, its reorganization on strong monarchical foundations, and how much it is an obstacle to the development of the revolutionary movement, can be seen from the proceedings of the last congress of socialist revolutionaries, which was held in London in September of this year. Here, by the way, is what he decreed: “The government, having suppressed an attempt at an open uprising and seizure of land in the countryside, set itself the goal of dispersing the peasantry by intensifying the planting of personal private property or farmstead farming. Any success of the Government in this direction is detrimental to the cause of the revolution.”

(December 5, 1908; State Duma; part of the Duma stood for the principle of family property; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of personal property)

There is no revenge in politics, but there are consequences. (speech by P.A. Stolypin to the Polish deputies who visited him before the dissolution of the Second Duma)

We must remember that at a time when Kronstadt was worried several miles from the capital and the royal residence, when treason broke into Sveaborg, when the Baltic region was burning, when the revolutionary wave spread in Poland and the Caucasus, when all activity in the southern industrial region stopped, when peasant unrest spread, when horror and terror began to reign, the Government had to either step aside and give way to the revolution, forget that power is the guardian of statehood and the integrity of the Russian people, or act and defend what was entrusted to it. But by making the second decision, the Government fatally brought accusations upon itself. By striking at the revolution, the Government, undoubtedly, could not help but hurt private interests. At that time, the Government set itself one goal - to preserve those covenants, those foundations, the beginnings of which were the basis for the reforms of Emperor Nicholas II. Fighting with exceptional means, at exceptional times, the Government led and brought the country to the Second Duma. I must declare and would like my statement to be heard far beyond the walls of this meeting, that here, by the will of the Monarch, there are neither judges nor accused, that these benches (points to the seats of the ministers)

not the docks—these are the seats of Government.
For our actions at this historical moment, actions that should lead not to mutual struggle, but to the good of our homeland, we, just like you, will give an answer to history. […] In those countries where certain legal norms have not yet been developed, the center of gravity, the center of power lies not in institutions, but in people. People, gentlemen, tend to make mistakes, get carried away, and abuse power. Let these abuses be exposed, let them be judged and condemned. But the Government should have a different attitude towards attacks that lead to the creation of a mood in the atmosphere of which an open speech should be prepared; These attacks are designed to cause paralysis of will and thought in the Government, in power. All of them come down to two words addressed to the authorities: “hands up.” To these words, gentlemen, the Government, with complete calm, with the consciousness of being right, can respond with only two words: “You will not intimidate.” (March 6, 1907; State Duma of the second convocation; explanation by P.A. Stolypin, made after the Duma debates)
It is impossible, on the one hand, to confess that people are ripe in order to freely, without guardianship, dispose of their spiritual powers, in order to freely apply their labor to the land in the way they consider best, and on the other hand, admit that these same people are not reliable enough to manage their property without the oppression of their family members. You cannot create a general law for the sake of an exceptionally ugly phenomenon, you cannot kill the creditworthiness of the peasant with this, you cannot deprive him of faith in his own strength, hope for a better future, you cannot put barriers to enrichment so that the weak share his poverty with him... But the main thing that is necessary is this , - when we write a law for the whole country, - keep in mind the intelligent and strong, and not the drunken and weak... The government, having passed the law on November 9, 1906, relied on the intelligent and strong. In a short time, there were about half a million householders who secured more than 3,200,000 acres of land. Do not paralyze, gentlemen, the further development of these people and remember, when legislating, that such people, such strong people, are the majority in Russia. (December 5, 1908; State Duma; part of the Duma stood for the principle of family property; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of personal property)

Not the indiscriminate distribution of land, not calming the rebellion with handouts - the rebellion is extinguished by force, but the recognition of the inviolability of private property and, as a consequence, the creation of small personal land ownership... - these are the tasks the implementation of which the government considered and considers a matter of existence of the Russian state. (November 16, 1907; State Duma of the third convocation; first speech of P.A. Stolypin)

As long as the peasant is poor, as long as he does not have personal land property, as long as he is forcibly in the grip of the community, he will remain a slave, and no written law will give him the benefit of civil freedom. In order to take advantage of these benefits, you need a certain, at least the smallest, share of wealth. I remembered the words of our great writer Dostoevsky that “money is minted freedom.” Therefore, the government could not help but meet halfway, could not help but give satisfaction to that innate feeling in every person, and therefore in our peasant, the feeling of personal property, as natural as the feeling of hunger, as the attraction to procreation, as any other natural property of man. (November 16, 1907; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in response to the speech of State Duma member V. Maklakov)

The thirst for land and agrarian unrest in themselves indicate those measures that can lead the peasant population out of the present abnormal situation. The only counterbalance to the communal principle is individual property. It also serves as a guarantee of order, since the small owner is the cell on which stable order in the state rests. Nowadays, the stronger peasant usually turns into a kulak, an exploiter of his fellow socialites [...] If we were to give the opportunity to a hardworking farmer to receive first temporarily, in the form of an apprenticeship, and then assign to him a separate plot of land, cut out from state lands or from the land fund of the Peasant Bank , and the availability of water and other essential conditions for cultural land use would be ensured, then along with the community where it is vital, an independent, prosperous villager, a stable representative of the land, would appear. (“The Most Submissive Report for 1904” by Saratov Governor P.A. Stolypin)

By using personal labor, personal property, and by applying to it all, absolutely all popular forces, it is necessary to raise our communal, our weak, our impoverished, depleted land, since the land is the guarantee of our strength in the future, the land is Russia (December 5, 1908 ; State Duma; part of the Duma stood for the principle of family property; speech by P. A. Stolypin in defense of personal property)

It would be desirable for the government to find the ground on which joint work is possible, to find a language that would be equally understandable to everyone. I am aware that such language cannot be the language of hatred and malice. (March 6, 1907; State Duma of the second convocation)

Give your impulse, give your will towards state building, do not disdain menial work together with the Government. (November 16, 1907; State Duma of the third convocation)

By turning the Duma into an ancient circus, into a spectacle for the crowd, which longs to see fighters who, in turn, are looking for rivals in order to prove their insignificance and powerlessness - I think that I would be making a mistake. (November 16, 1907; State Duma of the third convocation)

I don’t want, I don’t want to remain a weak-willed and powerless spectator of the extinction of the lower classes, I want to know for sure that under any circumstances, under any conditions, in 10 years in the capital of the Russian Tsar there will finally be clean water and we will not rot in our own filth. I won’t believe it and no one will prove to me that it is necessary to take into account a sense of some kind of delicacy in relation to the city government, that there may be a fear of offending people or offending ideas. I ask you to express your firm will, meaning not only St. Petersburg, but no, this is necessary in relation to all of Russia. […] The government asks you to complete the matter, asks you to emphasize the inflexibility of your decision, remembering, of course, not about the pride of one or another figure, but about the simple poor working people who live or rather die in the most impossible conditions and about whom, under the name of the proletariat, it is customary here to remember mainly as a trump card in the political game. (January 19, 1911; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the Government’s project on the sewerage of St. Petersburg)

Power cannot be considered a goal. Power is a means to preserve life, peace and order; Therefore, while condemning arbitrariness and autocracy in every possible way, one cannot help but consider the anarchy of the government dangerous. We must not forget that the inaction of the authorities leads to anarchy, that the government is not an apparatus of impotence and search. The government is an apparatus of power based on laws, hence it is clear that the minister must and will demand from the officials of the ministry prudence, caution and justice, but also firm fulfillment of their duty and the law. I foresee the objection that the existing laws are so imperfect that any application of them can only cause murmurs. I can imagine a magic circle, from which the way out, in my opinion, is this: apply existing laws before creating new ones, protecting by all means and to the best of our ability the rights and interests of individuals. You cannot say to the sentry: you have an old flintlock gun; by using it, you can injure yourself and others; drop the gun. To this, an honest sentry will answer: while I am on duty, until they give me a new gun, I will try to skillfully use the old one. (June 8, 1906; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s response to the State Duma’s request about Shcherbak; the request arose regarding a telegram from Anton Petrov Shcherbakov himself, aka Shcherbak, in which he announced that he was being brought to trial by the Moscow Judicial Chamber)

An unsuccessful war for us necessitates large expenditures on the revival of our army and navy. No matter how great our desire for peace, no matter how enormous the country’s need for reassurance, but if we want to preserve our military power, while protecting at the same time the very dignity of our homeland, and do not agree to the loss of our rightful place among the great powers, then we will not have to retreat from the necessity of expenses to which the entire great past of Russia obliges us. (March 6, 1907; Second State Duma; first speech by P.A. Stolypin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers)

Given the vastness of our territory, it is undeniably important to be able to transfer an army from one corner of the country to another. No fortresses, gentlemen, can replace your means of communication. Fortresses are a fulcrum for the army, therefore, the very presence of fortresses requires either the presence of an army in the region, or the ability to transport it there... From a strategic point of view, it is important for the army to have a stronghold in the local population. But I repeat that I am not talking about war, I understand that for us the highest good would be eternal peace with Japan and China; but from a peaceful point of view it is also important, gentlemen, perhaps even more important - to have that human stronghold that I just spoke about. The speaker of the State Defense Commission said here that nature abhors a vacuum. I must repeat this phrase. Our remote, harsh outskirts are at the same time rich, rich in gold, rich in forests, rich in furs, rich in vast expanses of land suitable for culture. And under such circumstances, gentlemen, in the presence of a densely populated state neighboring us, this outskirts will not remain deserted. A foreigner will seep into it if a Russian does not come there first, and this seepage, gentlemen, has already begun. If we continue to sleep in a lethargic sleep, then this region will be saturated with foreign juices, and when we wake up, perhaps it will turn out to be Russian only in name... (March 31, 1908; State Duma of the third convocation; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense structures of the Amur Railway)

Our eagle, the legacy of Byzantium, is a double-headed eagle. Of course, single-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off our Russian eagle’s one head facing the East, you will not turn it into a single-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed... (March 31, 1908; State Duma of the third convocation; speech P A. Stolypin in defense of the construction of the Amur Railway)

The area of government power is the area of action. When a commander on the battlefield sees that the battle is lost, he must concentrate on gathering his frustrated forces, uniting them into one whole. In the same way, the government after a disaster is in a slightly different position than society and public representation. It cannot completely succumb to the feeling of indignation, it cannot exclusively look for the guilty. It must unite its forces and try to restore what was destroyed. (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

Only those people have the right and power to hold the sea in their hands that can defend it. Therefore, all those peoples who strove for the sea, who reached it, uncontrollably took the path of shipbuilding. For them, the fleet was a source of national pride; it was external proof that the people have the strength, the ability to keep the sea in their power. For this, fortresses alone are not enough; the coastline cannot be protected with fortifications alone. To protect the coasts, mobile, free-floating fortresses are needed, and a battle fleet is needed. All coastal peoples understood this. Vulnerability at sea is just as dangerous as defenselessness on land. Of course, under favorable circumstances, you can live for some time on land and without shelter, but when a storm comes, you need both strong walls and a strong roof to withstand it. That is why shipbuilding has become a national matter everywhere. That is why the launching of each new ship is a national celebration, a national celebration. This is the return to the sea of part of the people's forces and people's energy accumulated on land. That is why powerful states everywhere built fleets at home. (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

You say, gentlemen, that you are refusing credit only for a few months - but is that so? Are you waiting for the department to be reorganized? It is possible to reorganize the department in a few months - but is it possible to wait for the results of the reform in the same short period of time? What can the maritime department boast to you in a few months? Is it the work of the factories, upset that they will not be given orders, or the personnel, discouraged by the uncertainty of their situation? No, gentlemen, I am personally confident that even in a few months you will find that the moment has not yet come to allocate funds for shipbuilding. […] perhaps the naval department has not yet proven that it is currently possible to entrust it with the hundreds of millions that are needed to implement the general program of new shipbuilding. But, gentlemen, do not deprive the maritime department of the opportunity to prove this to you. (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

There are problems in all departments. You can’t block institutions and people from proving their desire to improve the situation, you can’t consider everyone “evil slaves.” (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

You cannot punish a high school student who fails an exam by depriving him of his educational books and teaching aids. And you do something similar with the fleet... and maybe you do worse. You are surgeons gathered around a drugged patient. This sick fleet is stunned by your criticism. You, gentlemen, took lancets and cut him, gutted his insides, but one awkwardness, one careless movement, and you will no longer be operating on a patient, but dissecting a corpse. (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

I am sure that any hitch in the fleet’s affairs will be disastrous for it; you cannot stop or reverse the vehicle at full speed - this will lead to its breakdown. Gentlemen, in the matter of recreating our sea power, our sea power, there can only be one slogan, one password, and this password is “forward.” (May 24, 1908; State Duma; speech by P.A. Stolypin in defense of the re-creation of the fleet)

Instill in our army at least a fragment of the idea that its structure depends on the collective will, and its power will no longer rest on the only, unchanging force that unites our army - on the Supreme Power. The Duma, within the framework prescribed to it, has a lot of work left to do for the success of our army. But it would be illegal for legislative institutions to use their budgetary or credit rights to consolidate the order they want in the army... […] In the defense of Russia, we must all unite, coordinate our efforts, our responsibilities and our rights in order to maintain one historical supreme right, the right of Russia be strong. (March 31, 1911; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s responses to a request from 32 members of the State Duma, who accused the Government of constantly downplaying the rights of the Duma in matters subject to its consideration, in particular, on the issue of the army)

The Duma's requests, of course, concern only such phenomena that may cause criticism in society. In answering them, I did not hide the improper actions of officials; but it seems to me that one cannot and should not conclude from this that the majority of my subordinates do not follow the dictates of duty. These are, for the most part, people who religiously perform their duty, love their homeland and die at their post. From October to April 20, 288 of them were killed and 383 were wounded, in addition there were 156 unsuccessful attempts. I could end here, but people also ask me what I think to do in the future and whether I know that the administration is overcrowding prisons with people who are obviously innocent. I do not deny that in these troubled times there may be mistakes, omissions in terms of formalities, dishonesty of individual officials, but I will say that on my part I will do everything to speed up the review of these cases. This revision is in full swing. At the same time, the government, just like society, wants a transition to a normal order of government. Here, in the State Duma, from this very rostrum, accusations were heard against the government of wanting to impose martial law everywhere, to rule the entire country through exceptional laws; The government does not have such a desire, but there is a desire and obligation to maintain order. Order is violated by all means; it is impossible, even in the name of inclining sympathy in one’s favor, to completely disarm the government and consciously go down the path of disorganization. (June 8, 1906; State Duma; P.A. Stolypin’s response to the State Duma’s request about Shcherbak; the request arose regarding a telegram from Anton Petrov Shcherbakov himself, aka Shcherbak, in which he announced that he was being brought to trial by the Moscow Judicial Chamber).